LETTERS - MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK

kirmizicantaliavukat
Nov 2
8 min read

MY COMMENTS :

In this work, which covers some of the letters written by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk between 1912 and 1937, Atatürk's thoughts and attitudes towards the current situation in our country are seen directly in his own words.

Atatürk, whose letters indicate that he began to attract attention while performing his military service in the Ottoman Empire, frequently expressed his disagreements with the government. However, as can be seen in the excerpts, he himself admitted in his letters that the government, and even the sultan himself, had significant influence on the Samsun assignment that initiated the War of Independence. He knew that otherwise, like other high-ranking officers, he would have been sentenced to prison in Istanbul.

During the period of the War of Independence, it is clear, especially after the Sivas Congress of 1919, that he began communicating with other foreign powers, albeit without official status. His initiation of bilateral talks with both Europeans and the United States attracted the attention of Britain, in particular. His significant advancement of relations with the United States is evident in the candid words he wrote to Roosevelt after the founding of the republic.

Atatürk, who constantly negotiated with the Europeans on capitulations, clearly stated in an interview with a French journalist that capitulations were not open to discussion.

Regarding the caliphate, Atatürk quickly changed his views, though not directly stating in his letters that he was unable to make decisions on this matter on his own. While Atatürk in 1922 favored the continuation of the caliphate without any problems as long as the executive power remained in the Turkish Grand National Assembly, in 1924 he chose to support this view with different arguments. Consequently, it can be perceived that he abolished the caliphate, one of the most important ways for a newly established republic to pose a renewed threat to other major world powers, in the interest of the state's continuity during that period. It is clear that considerable pressure was exerted on him on this matter, as can be seen in quotes 11 and 18 from his interviews with foreign journalists.

One of the frequently debated issues is the rumor that Atatürk was particularly suspicious of foreign doctors during his years of illness. A letter written in June 1938, in particular, expresses disapproval of the appointment of a doctor without his consent. He even stated that the doctors had given him erroneous diagnoses. However, the omission of other controversial letters on this subject in the work has failed to alleviate some doubts about the incident in question.

Another point worth noting is Atatürk's use of the term "Turkish people" rather than "Turkish nation" in a letter from 1922. Because this concept, particularly after the founding of the Republic, provided the basis for the uprisings of many ethnic groups in our country, the term "Turkish nation" was added to our Constitution and defined. However, it is clear that Anatolia had been called "Turkey" for centuries before the Republic was founded, and the term "Turkey" was clearly used before the Republic was founded.

Because the work generally covers the topics covered through superficially known letters, it will not satisfy readers curious about the details of Atatürk's life. It is clear that very few letters are used to provide background information on some events still debated today, and that some letters contain generally accepted statements, so it would be more prudent to utilize alternative sources. For the reasons mentioned, it is clear that more extensive research on this topic is necessary, particularly examining Atatürk's other letters.

In conclusion, it is beneficial to examine this work, which provides both general information and concrete data on the life of our country's founder, Commander-in-Chief Ghazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. However, it is clear that additional sources are necessary for more detailed information.

MY QUOTES(*) :

It is a psychological phenomenon that a person has to work extraordinarily hard and make sacrifices to achieve some friendships in life. (1915)
Istanbul added that British political officials in the East were generally misguided in their understanding of the Turks and their policy toward Thrace, and that the Istanbul community and the Ottoman government center were the detrimental factors in this. In our lengthy meeting with General Harbord, Head of the American Investigative Committee, in Sivas, it was understood that the person in question and all the Americans in the East were in our favor, and from the reliable information received later, the report was in our favor. However, it was admitted that the American people would not easily escape the influence of the propaganda they had been hearing against us for years. Europeans' intentions regarding Turkey are centered on the maximum and permanent security of their interests in our country. The reasons and pretexts they seek to lay to prepare and ensure the groundwork for their interests are: the inability of the Ottoman Government and the guarantee of the protection of minorities. (1919)
In a letter to his mother, Zübeyde Hanım, he wrote, “ As you know, while I was in Istanbul, foreign powers were putting tremendous pressure on the state and the nation, imprisoning and arresting all our men capable of serving the nation, and exiling some to Malta, causing everyone distress. Somehow, they hadn’t touched me. However, as soon as I landed in Samsun as the Third Army Inspector, the British became suspicious of me and asked the government why I was leaving. Finally, they demanded that I be summoned to Istanbul, and they insisted on it. The government, in turn, tried to deceive me into coming to Istanbul and surrendering to the British. I realized this immediately. I wrote to our Sultan about the true situation and informed him that I would not be able to come. His Majesty initially approved. But later, the British pressure increased. Finally, he ordered me to return to Istanbul.” (1920)
I wanted to take this opportunity to reiterate my admiration for the United States, especially since our two countries share the same ideal of universal peace and the happiness of humanity. Your loyalty. (1937)
When necessary, I will give my life to the Turkish nation as my greatest gift (1937)
My duty is this: I believe that due to the doctors' erroneous opinions and judgments, the disease has not stopped but has progressed. Vomiting, which occurred after standing up and walking prematurely, and especially after the nasal dressing (direct dressing of the tonsillar tissue with various solutions), has negated the rest I had taken. When I arrived in Istanbul, the government, without seeking my approval, brought Fissenger in. We were examined again. They found his liver to be no different from its previous state, and his abdomen had accumulated several pounds, and was swollen and deformed due to water and gas. For now, they deemed it necessary to continue treatment and complete rest under the new regime until July 15th. (1938)
Our nation, which does not favor bloodshed, is ready for peace and reconciliation negotiations if they wish to surrender their rights and evacuate their homeland immediately. We would prefer these negotiations to be conducted directly with the Greek government. We also welcome America's good will and humanitarianism.
You're talking to me about the interests of Europeans, and especially the French, in the East. First and foremost, it must be known that the Grand National Assembly Government will never accept the abolition of the capitulations. If foreign subjects think of benefiting from them in the future, as they did in the past, they are mistaken. Capitulations do not exist for us, and they never will. However, provided that Türkiye's independence is fully and completely affirmed in every field, our doors will be widely open to all foreigners.
In the twentieth century, it is unacceptable to seize our freedom and restore and establish the sovereignty of others. We will preserve the Caliphate. On the condition that the Grand National Assembly and the nation will be the Caliph's support and strength. Regarding the Caliphate, I believe that preserving the current procedure is preferable. This is the simplest and most easily implemented method. Essentially, this issue does not concern Türkiye alone; it concerns the entire Islamic world. (1922)
The Turkish Grand National Assembly government, which was established by taking control of the fate of the Turkish people, and everyone else, should know clearly that the people of today are not a people who will tolerate seeing their will in the hands of someone else for centuries, and the main point that needs to be understood is that the people and government of today are not adventurous people who, in pursuit of excessive ambitions, forget their own homes and leave them in ruins. (1922)
I explained my intention to the chiefs of the General Staff, whose conscience I was confident of, and requested their assistance in any way possible to prevent any difficulties arising in my actions. When I stopped at the Sublime Porte before boarding the ship, the Council of Ministers, having received news of this Greek aggression, was in assembly. (1921)
Only those who can think of those who come after them can enable their nations to survive and progress. It would be a mistake to assume that progress and movement will cease when they are gone.
If there is no peace and good relations in the world and among the nations of the world, a nation is deprived of peace no matter what it does for itself.
All world events clearly affect us. We cannot know whether an event we consider the most distant will not touch us one day. (1937)
The Caliphate is merely a myth from the past that no longer has any place in our time. Tunisians, Egyptians, Indians, and other Muslims are under British and French rule. A new Caliph will soon be appointed in Cairo. Turkey has clearly and unequivocally separated itself from its religious past and is walking on the path of progress, free from all difficulties. (1924)

MY EVALUATIONS:

Subject : In the work, Atatürk's thoughts and attitudes towards the situation in our country are seen directly in his own words.

Style: While the work's nature as a collection of letters might initially preclude any expectations of literary merit, Atatürk's proficiency in multiple languages demonstrates his exceptional literary style. His detailed descriptions of his thoughts on both technical and political matters convey the feeling of a direct conversation with Atatürk.

Originality : The work will not be evaluated in this category due to its nature.

Character : The work will not be evaluated in this category due to its nature.

Fluency : Although the work does not have a gripping structure due to its type, it can be said that it has a fluent narrative when the issues mentioned in the style section are taken into consideration.

General : In the evaluation made out of 10 in accordance with the criteria stated above:

Topic: 8

Style: 8.5

Fluency: 7.5

The overall average for the work, which received 8 points, is 8. Despite being a compilation of letters, the work, which managed to reach the 8-point threshold, is definitely worth examining because it offers insights into some of the most frequently asked questions about Atatürk's life. However, it should also be noted that if the publisher had chosen some letters with more detailed narratives, the work would have been less likely to reveal more unknown and curious matters about Atatürk.

(*) : All sections under the title My Quotations:

LETTERS

Author : Mustafa Kemal Atatürk

Publishing House : Dokuz Publications

Edition : 3rd Edition – November 2021

The photo used on the cover was used as a quote from the book.

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